Three men with little resemblance in background, education or appearance, share one thing in common. Obote, Amin and Museveni have ruled Uganda with an iron fist for forty five years of the forty seven years Uganda has been independent. Of the forty five years Museveni has been in power for over twenty three years or 51% of that time. The future looks too grim to contemplate. Museveni has amended the constitution to remove term limits so that he can rule for life, just like Amin, the dream visionary, who declared himself life President, supposedly responding the popular demand of the people and motivated by his deep love for the country! Amin’s life presidency, however, was cut short by his blood-thirsty brutality. Obote achieved only one of his wishes in his life. He was life president of UPC. But Obote left behind a political party in shambles—a price for clinging to power tenaciously at any price. So the most obvious question is: what is in store for Museveni?

            This brief narrative seeks to explore Museveni’s political career especially as reflected in his personality: hypocrisy, capacity to lie and corruption.

Hypocrisy, Lies and Corruption Under NRM

Of the three Ugandan dictators Museveni is the star hypocrite. Museveni waged a guerrilla war on the ground that the elections of 1980 were rigged. He gambled the lives of so many innocent people so that he would achieve his personal ambition. The only solution to the rigged elections, Museveni argued—and he cunningly convinced many who listened—was to wage war in order to overthrow an “illegitimate” regime headed by his arch political enemy, Apollo Milton Obote. The war lasted for five long bloody years. In fact Museveni did not win the war as he falsely but proudly proclaims. The Acholi soldiers, moved by their own grievances and headed by General B. Okello overthrew Obote in January 1985 while Museveni was seeking refuge in Norway where his family was sheltered. There is a lot of falsehood in Museveni’s narrative of the liberation story. But that sad chapter is for another day.

            After a brutal civil war the people put faith in the poor, youthful but war-weary, innocent looking leaders of the guerrilla war. The people’s faith was grossly misplaced. Museveni, a former spy in Obote’s GSU and later leader of NRM, promised a free and fair election after the war in 1989. The deadline for the election came and went. In a breach of trust the NRM, as an organization, amended the law on the ground that elections were not feasible at the time because the war in the North was still going on. The first promise Museveni made to the people was broken without apologies, a credible explanation or shame, but, apparently, there were chuckles and grins within the inner NRM circles.

            Hypocrisy was added to falsehood as corruption slowly infiltrated NRM political structure. The next stage was to engineer constitutionally a supposedly impregnable but corrupt political machine—the movement system. In the movement system a long life expectancy in politics for Museveni was conceived, born and nourished by fraud and deception. The naïve had applauded the downfall of the Obote regime hoping to welcome a political Messiah. The shrewd and crafty within the NRM had their eyes fixed on the juicy prizes offered by the new corrupt regime. When the movement system was constitutionally born—through deception and cajolery—in 1986 the belief was that its politics was based on individual “merit”—a murky term that was not only new in political vocabulary but impossible to define precisely. It was a great, if not perfect, camouflage for the incurable corruption that was to follow inevitably.

            The corruption of the movement system was not inevitable, however. What made it unavoidable was its leader’s character of a charming but deceptively slippery personality. Let us look at his political career. Museveni signed documents while negotiating the decentralization program to assure the World Bank and IMF that he will not create a bureaucratic system that is excessively bloated and inefficient. The agreements were on paper but Museveni’s interests were elsewhere. The agreements with the World Bank and IMF spelt out clearly, among other things, not to create new or unnecessary administrative units in Uganda. And yet on a typical campaign trail Museveni loves exciting the crowds by promising them the creation of new districts. He knows that each new district created gives him at least two new members of Parliament: one is a women’s district representative and the other is a constituency MP. In addition Museveni appoints one unaccountable sycophant as a District Resident Officer. This position existed during the colonial era and was condemned by radicals like Museveni who now exploit it. This is not only deceptive politics but also hypocrisy and corruption rolled in one. Uganda today has over 80 districts. In May 2009 the government proposed creating 14 more districts, with promises for more to come.

            One of the political gospels Museveni fervently preached when he emerged from the bush in his worn-out uniform was the imaginary political devil he baptized sectarianism. In fact the sectarianism gospel was invoked in order to legitimize the movement system as a whole. The simple but erroneous argument was that multi-parties cause sectarianism in a society where no distinctive classes have evolved. The argument was either naïve, erroneous or a political fraud cleverly designed to capture political power. No political theory could intellectually sustain it. But Museveni has turned out to be the biggest promoter of sectarianism in Uganda’s history. The Banyoro-Bafuriki question he instigated is a good example. Museveni’s proposed solutions which reserve certain offices and positions for specific ethnic groups has inflamed passions, incited and caused communal violence which he can neither deny nor justify. Both sides to the conflict are now much more estranged by sectarianism than before. Museveni is the cause and not the solution to sectarianism.

            However, the worst case of Museveni’s sectarianism is in Buganda. This case is more interesting and lethal because of where it happened and why it happened. The fact that it happened in Buganda is important because Museveni fought his guerrilla war based in Buganda. He was sheltered and protected by the Baganda during the war. He made a pledge to the Baganda that in return, if the war was worn, their abolished kingship would be restored. The agreement seemed simple and clear. Museveni went out of the way to take the then Prince Ronald Mutebi to the front in spite of all the risks involved. Today Museveni claims with a straight face that he never promised the restoration of the kingdom.

            There were many instances in the war Museveni when would have perished but for the protection of the Baganda, many of whom in fact were killed in the war either in combat or as a result of retaliation from the enemy. The reason why Buganda was chosen by Museveni as an important place to wage a guerrilla war was because Buganda was the only location in the whole country, for historical, geographical and political reasons, the war against Obote could be effectively and successfully waged. Museveni now pretends to have forgotten that fact!

            The second reason is why Museveni fought the war based in Buganda. The strategy proves Museveni’s sectarianism, in view of his deceptive gospel mentioned above. The recent riots in Buganda are the best explanation. In spite of condemning sectarianism in public Museveni has been secretly sponsoring agents to rebel against the kingdom of Buganda. The fact that Museveni can plot such a subversive activity against the kingdom of Buganda which served him so well to achieve his political ambitions is not only unnerving and to some extent incomprehensible but also proof of Museveni’s deceptive methods. It is an illustration of Museveni’s character defect of deception, hypocrisy and corruption rolled into one again. How can anyone trust a leader who changes faster than a chameleon? Bukenya, Nsibambi  and Sekandi, of course.

            Museveni has betrayed the Baganda. He argues that the constitution prohibits Kabaka to be involved in politics but at the same time he calls the Kabaka supposedly to “resolve” the issues in Bululi and Bugerere. Under international law Kabaka is a human being like any other human being. The Kabaka as a human being is entitled to the same human rights to of liberty, speech, association and participation in political processes as any other human being. These rights are inalienable. Fundamental human rights cannot be given or taken away by government or majority rule regardless of what the constitution says.  Only the Kabaka has discretion whether or not to exercise his human rights.

            The proposed legislation to suppress the Kabaka’s rights is therefore null and void. We want to declare here today unequivocally that the issue of Kabakaship and politics is not negotiable. The Kabakaship has always been inherently political. To make the Kabakaship nonpolitical is to abolish it. It is to deny the incumbent his human rights as an individual by virtue of the incumbency. That is discrimination based on class or status. It is a human rights issue which cannot be swept under the carpet. It is not Museveni, the NRM political almighty, to decide which rights the Kabaka of Buganda can enjoy as a human being. Was Museveni present when the Buganda Kabakaship was created? Kabaka’s human rights cannot be taken away by legislation willy-nilly. Take notice Museveni. You will never get another vote from us. You will not intimidate us in Ggwanga Mujje, FDC, DP or any other party. You cannot violate or take away our political or cultural rights with impunity.

            We have seen a few examples of Museveni’s hypocrisy and deception. But there is more. One example of hypocrisy is the electoral process. We have already pointed out that the reason Museveni gave to go to war was suspicion that the elections of 1980 were rigged. Of the three elections held under the NRM regime in 1996, 2001 and 2006 the results of the elections in 2001 and 2006 were disputed and the challenge of the results was litigated in court. In both cases the Supreme Court ruled that that the electoral process was flawed and irregular and, apparently, rigging had occurred. This should be a stunning conclusion bearing in mind the fact that Museveni waged a war claiming that the election results in 1980 had been rigged and therefore no government which comes to power under a rigged election can, in principle, be legitimate. The allegations of vote rigging under the NRM regime clearly show that Museveni is a hypocrite. But if hypocrisy is not enough corruption that is rampant under Museveni’s regime gives us a new perspective of the character defects Museveni as a leader suffers from.

Corruption Statistics in Uganda

Museveni’s regime is the most corrupt since independence in 1962. Statistics, according to the National Integrity Survey, indicate that in 2007 40% of service users in Uganda had to pay a bribe to service workers. Two thirds of the people paid a bribe to police officers. About half of the people paid a bribe to court officials and about 28% paid bribes for health services. The Uganda Auditor General’s Report of 2006 estimated that 20% of the value of public procurement was lost through corruption. The Temangalo debacle is the tip of the iceberg.

            A World Bank Report of 2007 showed that Uganda lost $300 million (sh500b) annually to corruption. Fortunately the public knows the shady characters involved in this grand theft. Many of them emerged from the bush war in 1986 penniless with torn pants but they are now billionaires! No rational explanation can account for such rapid enrichment of a few within the NRM elite. Even Museveni’s personal claim of ownership of Kisozi ranch which was purchased by the National Enterprise Corporation (NEC) from Kiwanuka is astounding, to say the least. Apparently the requirement for all leaders to declare their assets and liabilities to the Inspector General of Government (IGG) annually is a pathetic joke!

            In 2009 more than 25 % (about sh510b) of the annual budget is lost to corruption. That amount of corruption translates into 8.5% of the money allocated to the health sector or the equivalent of 26% of the amount spent on education and yet the overcrowded classrooms are crumbling and teachers, doctors and nurses are underpaid! The police officers and civil servants resort to bribes in order to survive in a vicious economy. Hospital facilities are stinking! Remember that only 7% of the national budget is allocated to the judiciary, Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), IGG, police and the Ministry of Ethics, the institutions supposed be central to law enforcement and administration of justice.

            Uganda was one of the few poor countries which benefited a few years ago from a program of debt relief to poor countries in which over $4 billions of foreign debt was written off. Today Uganda’s foreign debt has escalated back to over its original level of $4 billions. Most of this is the result of corruption, theft, fraud and extravagant or unaccountable spending. Recently Museveni requested Parliament to appropriate over $45 million to purchase a new Presidential jet even though the old one is still in good shape. A rubber stamp legislature consisting of over 70% NRM membership in Parliament complied without questions asked. They must answer to the electorate in due course.

            Uganda owes Congo a judgment debt of $12 billion (without interest) rendered by the International Court of Justice in the Hague because Museveni’s soldiers, close associates and relatives looted Congolese resources during the war, which was not authorized by Parliament. The taxpayer is expected to pay that bill. Ugandans have enough reason to rebel against Museveni’s regime. There is hardly any shame to NRM’s blatant corruption in Uganda.

            In 2009 Transparency International ranked Uganda 3^rd most corrupt among 69 countries from Asia, Middle East, Europe and Africa. In the same report 55% of Ugandan respondents said that someone in their household paid a bribe in the last 12 months. Many people resort to bribery in order to survive in a harsh economy in which productivity is not equitably rewarded.

            In addition to these horrible statistics the laws of Uganda relevant to corruption are not effectively enforced, according to a Transparency International official. This statistical fact is obvious to the citizens of Uganda. Uganda a poor country where the income per capita is less that $300 has one of the biggest cabinets in the world consisting of over 70 ministers each one entitled to free housing and at least one chauffer-driven automobile fuelled at government expense while earning a salary of over sh8 millions! The President has 58 Presidential advisors, consisting of an orchestra of greedy sycophants, whose services are not needed but who enjoy ministerial perks and benefits at the expense of the taxpayer.

            Corruption under Museveni’s regime has reached unprecedented levels. The only solution to this problem is to vote Museveni out of office. The majority of Ugandan citizens are ready for this eventuality at any price come 2011. Fortunately Museveni has provoked us to rise up against him. The recent riots in Buganda are a good sign of political awakening.

Editor. R.Mukasa Boston Lawyer